Once again, the US State Dept. issues its annual Trafficking in Persons report. Once again, Saudi Arabia finds itself listed as a ‘Tier 3′ country, defined as “A country whose government does not fully comply with the minimum standards and are not making significant efforts to do so.” That, sadly, is the fact.

The Saudi government, the report notes, taken made tentative steps to address the issue. It has, for instance, issued a new anti-trafficking law (July, 2009), and engaged in a publicity campaign to alert Saudis to the problem. Whether those efforts will be effective, though, is yet to be determined.

This is a problem that needs to be addressed. Saudi media consistently reports on abuse of workers coming from less developed parts of the world. International media is quick to jump on the most egregious examples, when they become known. And, given the instance of Homaidan Al-Turki, it seems that at least some Saudis bring their contempt for Third World workers abroad with them. Allowing this to continue can only hurt Saudi Arabia and Saudi Arabians in the eyes of the world.

You can view the entire report at this link.

The Saudi Arabia-specific section of the reports has this to say:

Saudi Arabia is a destination country for men and women subjected to trafficking in persons, specifically forced labor. Men and women from Bangladesh, India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Pakistan, the Philippines, Indonesia, Sudan, Ethiopia, Kenya, and many other countries voluntarily travel to Saudi Arabia as domestic servants or other low-skilled laborers, but some subsequently face conditions indicative of involuntary servitude, including restrictions on movement and communication, the withholding of passports and other travel documents, threats, physical or sexual abuse, and non-payment of wages. In some cases, arriving migrant workers have found the terms of employment in Saudi Arabia are wholly different from those they agreed to in their home countries. The Indian government no longer permits its female nationals under age 40 to take jobs as domestic workers in Saudi homes due to the high incidence of physical abuse by employers. Women, primarily from Asian and African countries, were believed to have been forced into prostitution in Saudi Arabia; others were reportedly kidnapped and forced into prostitution after running away from abusive employers.

Yemeni, Nigerian, Pakistani, Afghan, Chadian, and Sudanese children were subjected to forced labor as beggars and street vendors in Saudi Arabia, facilitated by criminal gangs. Unconfirmed reports indicated fewer Yemeni children may have been forced to work in Saudi Arabia during the reporting period. A 2009 doctoral study submitted to Naif Arab University for Security Sciences concluded Jeddah may be a hub for an international child trafficking network exploiting the Hajj and Umrah visas (visas for religious pilgrimages to Mecca).

Some Saudi nationals travel to destinations including Morocco, Egypt, Yemen, Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh to solicit prostitution. Some Saudi men used legally contracted “temporary marriages” in countries such as Mauritania, Yemen, and Indonesia as a means by which to sexually exploit migrant workers.

The Government of Saudi Arabia does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking and is not making significant efforts to do so. In a positive development, the government enacted anti-trafficking legislation during the reporting period, and published a National Plan for Combating Trafficking in Persons. However, the new law did not provide criminal sanctions for the prohibited but still common practice of withholding passports and denying exit visas, and did not provide provisions for trafficking victims to remain in Saudi Arabia during investigations and court proceedings. There was no confirmation the government criminally prosecuted or punished trafficking offenders under the new or existing laws. Victim protection efforts in Saudi Arabia continued to be weak. Many Saudis, including some government officials, continued to deny certain kinds of trafficking occur, particularly cases involving sexual exploitation. Government officials also conflated trafficking with smuggling and the problem of religious pilgrims overstaying their visas to work illegally. The new National Plan of Action, however, acknowledges the conflation.

Recommendations for Saudi Arabia: Use the new criminal law to investigate and prosecute trafficking offenses and convict and punish trafficking offenders, including abusive employers and those culpable of trafficking for commercial sexual exploitation; either enforce laws prohibiting passport withholding and exit visa denial, or amend the law or create implementing regulations to criminally address these issues; amend the law or create implementing regulations to address the ability of victims to remain in the Kingdom during the investigation and court proceedings; fulfill the legally mandated responsibilities of the Permanent Committee, including instituting a formal victim identification mechanism to distinguish trafficking victims among the thousands of workers deported each year for immigration violations and other crimes; ensure trafficking victims in practice are able to pursue criminal cases against their employers; improve victim protection at the Riyadh shelter by transforming it into an open shelter where victims are not locked in; enforce labor laws and expand full labor protections to domestic workers; enforce the Council of Ministers decision criminalizing the withholding of passports; reform the structure of the sponsorship system to discourage sponsors from withholding workers’ passports and restricting workers’ movements; and continue and expand judicial training on recognizing cases of human trafficking.


The Government of Saudi Arabia made limited law enforcement efforts against human trafficking. In July 2009, Saudi Arabia issued an anti-trafficking law, “Suppression of the Trafficking in Persons Act,” promulgated by Royal Decree number M/40. The law became effective in October 2009, three months from the date of issue. The law defines and prohibits all forms of human trafficking, prescribing punishments of up to 15 years and/or fines up to approximately $266,667. Penalties may be increased under certain circumstances, including trafficking committed by an organized criminal group or committed against a woman, child, or person with special needs. These penalties are sufficiently stringent and commensurate with penalties prescribed for other serious crimes. Since the law includes some concepts unrelated to human trafficking, the government must disaggregate law enforcement activity under this law to indicate which prosecutions and convictions are for trafficking. However, the law does not specifically note the common practice of withholding workers’ passports and exit visa denial present in most trafficking cases, and therefore, the actual cases prosecuted under the legislation may be limited. The law also does not secure the right of victims to remain in Saudi Arabia during the investigation and court proceedings, a circumstance that may further impede the chances of successful prosecutions and convictions.

The government did not conduct any investigations, prosecutions, or convictions under the new anti-trafficking law. Under Sharia law, the government reported at least eight convictions for pimping, exploiting a woman, sexual exploitation, and provision of premises for female prostitution, and one conviction for exploiting the rights of male and female workers. The sentences ranged from two months to four years and numerous lashes; it is uncertain whether any of these crimes constituted human trafficking. The Saudi government also prohibits the confiscation of foreign workers’ passports under a Council of Ministers decision, and the prescribed penalty for violators is a ban on recruiting other expatriate workers; however, this practice continued to be widespread. The structure of the sponsorship system, which holds sponsors responsible for the workers they employ, encourages sponsors to withhold workers’ passports and restrict workers’ movements. In addition, despite available administrative laws, the government did not regularly enforce prohibitions against employers or recruitment agents for abusing migrant workers. Since the new counter-trafficking law took effect, the Human Rights Commission held at least three seminars for small groups of judges to improve their capacity in recognizing cases of human trafficking.

Saudi Arabia made insufficient efforts to protect victims of human trafficking during the reporting period. Saudi Arabian law enforcement officials did not employ procedures for the identification of victims of trafficking among vulnerable populations, such as foreigners detained for immigration violations or women arrested for prostitution. The government operated a short-term shelter for female domestic workers in Riyadh, but victims of physical and psychological abuse were unlikely to receive assistance. Moreover, the shelter is closed; victims are not free to leave. The government did not operate any long-term shelters or facilities to house men. Many victims were simply sent to deportation centers, hospitals, or (if available) housing provided by charitable organizations. Many victims sought refuge at their embassies, negotiated settlements with their employers, and independently obtained funds to return home. During the reporting period, the Indonesian government, in partnership with IOM, sent a delegation to Saudi Arabia to assess the plight of Indonesian domestic workers in the Kingdom. More than 150 Indonesians residing in the Indonesian embassy’s shelter and unable to leave because they either did not have passports or exit permits, or both — indications of possible forced labor — were flown home after the delegation intervened with the Saudi government.

Although Saudi Arabia offers temporary relief from deportation to some victims who identify themselves to authorities, those who have run away from their employers, overstayed their visas, or otherwise violated the legal terms of their visas were jailed without being offered protection. In particular, women are at a disadvantage. Women arrested for prostitution were not interviewed for evidence of trafficking, and may have been subjected to stringent corporal punishment under Saudi law. In previous years, women who were raped by their employers found themselves imprisoned or sentenced to lashes for the offense of moral criminality; it was uncertain if any such events occurred in the reporting period. Women who escaped from their employers were subject to police detention for improper dress if they were not wearing an abaya – a required outer garment – or for the offense of running away from their sponsor, who is legally responsible for employees for the duration of their stay. Police sometimes returned foreigners to their sponsors or employers, despite their vulnerability to additional abuse or reprisals. Law enforcement agents continue to send street children, often in begging rings, to jail, but this practice was in decline. Saudi officials instead send the children to juvenile detention centers, and then work with diplomatic missions to facilitate deportation of the children picked up in raids.

Few migrants successfully pursue criminal cases against abusive employers, including traffickers, as the Saudi government did not offer assistance with legal remedies. Migrants – including victims of trafficking – sometimes face severe delays in the immigration and justice system, and obstacles such as lack of access to interpreters, legal aid, or their consulates. The length of time to process cases against employers leads many foreign workers – including victims of trafficking – to drop both criminal and monetary claims, choosing instead to return to their home countries penniless in lieu of submitting to a legal process. Moreover, as foreign workers are required to obtain their sponsor’s formal permission or order to depart the Kingdom, many trafficking victims languished in shelters or detention centers awaiting these exit permits. Although the government reports providing legal services to victims, the lack of translation assistance and lengthy and costly delays often discourage victims.

Saudi officials did not encourage victims to assist in investigations against their traffickers, and often discourage cooperation by persuading victims to take monetary compensation in lieu of filing criminal charges against their employers or by returning to their employers. There is no mechanism in place under Saudi law for continuing such cases once the employee has departed Saudi Arabia. Reports indicated Saudi sponsors often prevailed by delaying hearings and approval to grant an exit visa, or refusing to pay penalties or transfer a sponsorship. Traffickers sometimes levied charges against victims, which are believed by police and judges, and officials force confessions from victims. The government did not offer legal alternatives to the removal of foreign trafficking victims to countries where they may face hardship or retribution.

The government has made some progress in preventing human trafficking. As part of a recently-launched, four-year human rights campaign, the Government of Saudi Arabia developed and posted billboards aimed to raise awareness on trafficking and domestic violence; broadcasted a program on government radio describing trafficking and the new anti-trafficking law; and raised awareness at the Janadriya annual cultural festival. As part of its new anti-trafficking law, the Saudi government created an inter-ministerial committee tasked with supervising implementation of the new law and coordinating anti-trafficking activities. The inter-ministerial committee met twice in 2009 and included members of the Ministries of Interior, Justice, Social Affairs, Labor, Culture and Information, and the Human Rights Commission. The Ministry of Labor produced a booklet in Arabic, English, and some source country languages on workers’ rights, employers’ responsibilities, and methods to seek help and assistance. The booklet was meant to be disseminated to foreign embassies in Riyadh, Saudi embassies abroad, ports of entry, and all foreign workers. However, these booklets were not produced in sufficient quantity and were not translated into a sufficient number of languages. The Ministry of Social Affairs had office hotlines to receive complaints and report crimes involving trafficking. However, complaints had to be submitted in written Arabic, and even those migrant workers who do speak Arabic are illiterate in the language. Reports indicated most workers also could not afford the transportation costs or time off to file a complaint in person, were afraid to complain, or were discouraged by the Ministry’s long bureaucratic delays and lack of enforcement. The Ministry of Labor reported it maintained a database of abusive employers who are prohibited from recruiting new foreign workers, but reports indicated the government did not implement the blacklisting system during the reporting period. The government published a report from the Human Rights Commission entitled “Endeavors of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to Prevent and Suppress Trafficking in Persons.” In the reporting period, Saudi Arabia did not take actions to reduce the demand for prostitution. The Grand Mufti led a public awareness campaign through a series of sermons stressing the illegality of temporary marriage; this may reduce participation in international child sex tourism by Saudi nationals. The government funded and organized various anti-trafficking seminars and workshops, including a three-day trafficking seminar in December 2009, for Saudi and other government officials. The seminar, held at the Naif Arab University for Security Studies, was comprehensive and included case studies, legal review, prosecutorial methodology, and provided information on child sex tourism, victim interviews, and victim assistance.

I am aware that the US has its own problems in trafficking, I do not belittle those problems. I don’t think, however, that a good argument can be made that Saudi Arabia shouldn’t have to address its own problems until the US solves its problems. There are tens, hundreds of thousands of people, individual human beings, being mistreated. Imagine if it were you; imagine if it were your sister, daughter, son, husband or wife. At the barest minimum, current trafficking fails the ‘Do unto others as you would have them do unto you’ rule that crosses all religious borders.

September:24:2010 - 08:12 | Comments & Trackbacks (13) | Permalink
13 Responses to “2010 Trafficking in Persons Report: KSA”
  1. 1
    Daisy Said:
    September:24:2010 - 11:45 

    Thanks for this post.

    It’s very true. But this is not specific to Saudi Arabia. This situation prevails in all Arab neighbours of Saudi Arabia as well.

    All of them need to reform.

  2. 2
    Sandy Said:
    September:24:2010 - 12:41 

    True it’s not specific to Saudi, and it’s Arab neighbors. India also has a significant problem. I agree. They all need to reform.

  3. 3
    Daisy Said:
    September:24:2010 - 21:52 

    India doesn’t have this kind of problem with foreign workers. You are misinformed.

  4. 4
    Chiara Said:
    September:24:2010 - 22:57 

    Thanks for the link to the full 2010 report, John. I found the interactive international map most interesting.

    Tier 1 Full Compliance with The United States’ Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 (TVPA)
    Tier 2 Making Efforts towards full compliance
    Tier 2W Making Efforts towards full compliance but at significant risk
    Tier 3 Do not fully comply with minimal standards, and not making efforts

    Most MENA countries are Tier 2 or 2W.
    (Morocco, a 3rd world country, is Tier 2)

    Saudi, Kuwait, Iran, Sudan, Mauritania are Tier 3.

    Pakistan and Nepal are Tier 2.

    India and Bangladesh are Tier 2W.

    USA, Canada, most Western European countries, Australia, and New Zealand are Tier 1.

  5. 5
    Sandy Said:
    September:24:2010 - 23:19 

    Well, it may not have as large a problem as Saudi- but on level with many Arab countries. Just google human trafficking and India and you will see that I am not mis-informed. Also, the number of people is much larger due to the larger populations involved. It’s very sad.

  6. 6
    John Burgess Said:
    September:24:2010 - 23:38 

    Well, there are all those young girls brought in from Nepal and Bangladesh who end up in brothels. There’s also forced labor in factories and on farms. In fact, India is a Tier 2 Watch List country, according to the Trafficking Report. You can read the details here [Scroll down to India].

    [Comment edited to show that India is a Tier 2 Watch List country, that is, it either has exceptionally high numbers of trafficked persons and/or is in danger of sliding down to Tier 3.]

  7. 7
    Chiara Said:
    September:25:2010 - 05:55 

    John, just a slight amendment. India is Tier 2W ie “Tier 2 watch list”, which is a separate category and between Tier 2 and Tier 3. They are somewhat more compliant than Saudi, and making efforts, but still at risk of falling back into Tier 3, according to both the interactive map with has a clickable summary, and the detailed country report you linked. So kudos for effort, and let’s hope they get up to a full 2 like Morocco, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, UAE, Oman, Pakistan, and Nepal, and then a 1.

  8. 8
    John Burgess Said:
    September:25:2010 - 07:05 


  9. 9
    J Braun Said:
    September:25:2010 - 08:44 

    I currently reside in Saudi Arabia. I am a Canadian, a victim of sophisticated white-collar human trafficking. I am engaged in a wrongful dismissal lawsuit. For the past 22 months I have received no salary. I survive at subsistence level. Sympathizers and human rights advocates give me occasional zakat (small gifts of cash to the poor). I have been hospitalized twice, each time for two weeks, due to mental collapse.

    This has been previously mentioned in this website. To summarize:

    Fifteen months ago I received favourable judgment from the local Ministry of Labor court. My sponsor (“kafeel”) appealed and the case has been pending in Labor’s High Committee court ever since.

    The Chairman of Al Shabaka Training Establishment, Saadoun Al Saadoun, has over the past two academic years recruited over three dozen foreign teachers of English language to assume postings at King Faisal University in Al-Hasa. None received legal contracts. All entered the Kingdom via 3-month business visit visas which prohibit salaried employment in Saudi Arabia. No teacher has ever received an “iqama”, the temporary residence permit required to maintain legitimate employment. These illegally procured business visit visas are renewed every three months by teachers scurrying across the causeway to Bahrain to seek assistance from a visa agent in cahoots with a Saudi embassy official. Shabaka Training’s scams are well known throughout the international ESL teacher community, and have been mentioned in the national press.

    Further, Saadoun Al Saadoun authorizes health insurance applications to companies forbidden by law to issue insurance to workers not in possession of valid visas and iqamas.

    I need not here begin to reveal matters related to academic fraud.

    Did I mention that Saadoun Al Saadoun is a member of King Abdullah’s Shoura Council?

    I need not here begin my lamentations regarding Dysfunctional Jurisprudence According to Labor. I’ll leave that for my epic documentary. Suffice to say, I’ve been playing the court game for 22 months for a problem that would have been resolved with the help of the teachers’ union within a week back home in Canada.

    I have written six letters to King Abdullah. I have written to Madam Pillay of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. I have written ad nauseum to Ministry of Labor officials. I am mentioned in Human Rights Watch.

    Seventeen months ago I wrote a 24-page corruption report (with 22 pieces of documented evidence) under commission from Prince Ahmad, Ministry of Interior. He ordered an investigation comprised of officials from Interior, Labor, and Higher Education. Despite my many attempts to high officials of those Ministries, and a Prince, I have yet to receive any response.

    Did I yet mention that Saadoun Al Saadoun is on the Shoura Council?

    http://www.saudigazette.com.sa/index.cfm?method=home.regcon&contentID=20… …erratum parag 5 Nov. 30, 2009 should read Nov. 30, 2008





    I do not of course have contact with “Tier 2″ maids. I do, however, daily see violations of Labor law, and human rights, imposed on other migrant workers — be they foreign teachers, or in the construction sector, or those washing cars which Saudis regard as beneath their dignity.

    Last year, I’ve been told, the Ministry of Interior issued a Circular forbidding kafeels to confiscate and “safekeep” passports. Now Hillary Clinton informs me that the Circular was written much earlier than that. Evidently, that information has not been well disseminated, to the convenience of kafeels Kingdom-wide, and to the horrible detriment of migrant workers who’ve essentially built the infrastructure, and provided myriad services, the King’s subjects enjoy. This confiscation of passports is tantamount to “psychological” torture.

    My Canadian embassy refuses to be of assistance unless, of course, international trade is implicated, or in the event that a box is required for my repatriation.

    With glowing hearts, the True North Strong and Free stands on guard for its economy.

    Despite the abundance of reports my embassy receives from various foreign teachers regarding Al Shabaka Training’s nefarious machinations, the embassy does nothing other than reveal — voila — a list of pricey local English language proficient lawyers accustomed to multinational interests.

    Did I mention that Al Shabaka’s Chairman, Saadoun Al Saadoun, is on King Abdullah’s Shoura Council?

    Did I mention that Al Shabaka, in cahoots with Thompson Rivers University in British Columbia, promotes language learning vacations to Saudi students? Did I mention that a few weeks ago the Canadian government eased visa procedures for Saudis seeking admission to Canadian universities?

    Did I mention that Wesley Koczka, TRU’s recently appointed Associate Vice President, was previously VP at University Canada West, the same administration outsourced by Al Shabaka to recruit foreign teachers and provide curriculum to King Faisal University?

    Did I mention that UCW was at the time teetering on bankruptcy?

    Did I mention that Al Shabaka Training infamy is recognized globally and here in Saudi Arabia among the ESL teacher fraternity?

    I being held against my will by 1. an institutionalized procedurally dysfunctional Labor court system and 2. an employer who knows how to work the system to mete out vicarious punishment for my chutzpah to initiate a lawsuit?

    Happens to thousands of Labor cases every year — mostly to blue-collars. Whiteys? Random samples: Four months ago in court I met a British engineer who has been playing the court game since 2004. Last month, a white collar who has been at it for the past 3 1/2 years. No resolution in sight.

    Over 22 months I have spoken at length to 16 Saudi lawyers. Most are too expensive. Some are much too busy, they claim. Many are downright corrupt. Moreover, four influence peddlers claim they have the “right royal contacts” to solve my problem within 48 hours for a one-off fee ranging from US$6000 to $22000. One peddler documented his offer with repeated Quranic quotations. I do not conduct my legal affairs in such a manner.

    One gentleman asked for $1800 to write three paragraphs to the King.

    One lawyer said my case was “too political”.

    My most recent legal counselor assumed a straight face and demanded — I am not making this up — 90% of judgment.

    My first lawyer, to whom I paid $1000 to initiate the case, never showed up in local court. He’s offended that I canceled his power of attorney.

    The desert city in which I reside has a population of I estimate 100,000. One Labor judge, two secretaries. His backlog: over 450 cases.

    At the three-hour-distant Labor High Committee appeals court in Riyadh, four judges sit four days a week in a crowded cacophonic chamber the size of a tennis court. Each judge “hears” I’d estimate more than 15 cases within their three-hour workday.

    Labor court hearings last not much more than ten minutes. Plaintiff and defendant show IDs, duly recorded. Plaintiff submits documented argument, max two pages. Filed. Gratitude expressed. Copy to Defendant. All return on appointed date three to six months later. Next! A group of Filipinos.

    Months later, the defendant submits a few pages. Filed. Copy shared. Following hearing date announced. Next! A few Indians.

    So the cycle continues. At tunnel’s end, bits of files are skimmed by a judicial committee after either party despairs. That committee sits one morning a week to consider a stack of files comprising hundreds of cases.

    Four months ago I submitted my argument in summary and appended a formal request for the judge to hear the details within a Q&A format. He accepted my document. He inserted its edge into his two-hole puncher. Filed. Come back after three months! Next! I is forbidden to speak with a judge unless to answer a question.

    Five weeks ago my employer submitted a counter argument. Arabic is the court’s sole language. The learned judge gave me a copy and asked me whether I accepted or rejected the argument. I stated that I required minimum fifteen private minutes with my translator.

    “No, do you accept or reject? If you accept, I’ll pass judgment in a month. Reject, and return in five months.”

    “I require a quiet room and fifteen minutes’ recess.”

    “No, unreasonable procedure. Return three days before Christmas. Next!” A dozen Pakistanis.

    My translator and I spoke privately to the court manager. “I am being denied my human right to make an informed and intelligent response to a question put to me by your judge. Is this natural justice?”

    “Send me the details by fax. I’ll reply within a week.”

    Two weeks later: “Regarding your case #___. Thank you for your letter of concern. It has been placed into your court file. Regards.”


    I have no health insurance my employer is legally bound to supply. I am at an age at which many men enter heart attack territory.


    For 21 months I have not spoken to my employer, and colleagues are denied their right to speak to me for fear of severe reprimand, etc. Premeditated neglect, denial of rights of colleagues.


    I beg for funds ($40) to monthly renew my visa, a procedure authorized by Prince Ahmad, Ministry of Interior. My employer is legally bound to pay those, but never has.


    I walk two hours one-way to renew at the immigration office, while colleagues are monthly given four-hour trips to cross the causeway to Bahrain to renew their illegal visas.


    My circumstance is by no means unique. It has been identified by Human Rights Watch in the report “Saudi Arabia: Company’s Workers Unpaid, Trapped”.

    In the past five weeks I have faxed 4 letters to the new Minister of Labor, Dr Adel Fakieh. This morning I itemized 104 phoned attempts to call any one of his three deputy ministers over the past 4 workdays. Line busy. Call answered and line transfer initiated. Silence. Call answered, line transfer, ring tones, hang up. Call answered, line transfer, “No English.” Call answered, “In an meeting, call back in 30.” I do and the secretary hangs up. I wasted SR50 of mobile phone credit for this? That amount is enough to feed me takeaway sandwiches and Bebsi for a week!

    The Ministry of Labor is truly a woefully broken government department, and all evidence points to its mismanagement for the foreseeable future.

    Within the next few weeks a few thousand foreign teachers of English will arrive to take up postings at universities across the Kingdom. Many will hold contracts and visas in violation of Labor and Interior laws.

    Nobody cares — unless there are few “terrorists” in the lot. Then expect attention to be paid within 24 hours!

  10. 10
    Sandy Said:
    September:25:2010 - 09:32 

    Thank you John and Chiara. It would be very nice indeed if both India and Saudi could reach the levels of Morocco, Egypt, Jordan, UAE, Oman and Pakistan- and beyond!

  11. 11
    Chiara Said:
    September:25:2010 - 11:26 

    Afwan and Ameen! :)

  12. 12
    Sparky Said:
    September:25:2010 - 15:27 

    @ 9 first sorry about your situation.

    See there are ppl called education thieves. They will be held accountable for their actions!

    When I exited education I said to the Human Rights exorcist “I’m going out with a Bang Bro!” Ain’t no nigga gonna tell me how to go about my thang.” I told my students upon exit, “I gotta go. I don’t think I’ll end up in jail. Don’t give up the fight. I am out there for you, fighting for you.” they had no friggin idea what I was talking about but at a level they understood. They just looked at each other.

  13. 13
    yogi Said:
    October:07:2010 - 07:02 

    Trafficking is a global issue I would like to share this documentary it features Pramila, an 18 year old girl who was trafficked from Nepal to a brothel in India ; Afsana, a 16 year old who was trafficked from her village in Bangladesh into forced domestic servitude in Kolkata;It provides a compelling look into this dark, inhuman, and exploitative world and shows how each one of us can help to prevent modern-day slavery.

    Watch http://www.cultureunplugged.com/play/479

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